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Interjurisdictional Competition and Regulatory Advantage   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
As formal trade and investment barriers fall, government regulations– what once were domestic policy matters – becomeissues of international concern. International commerce createsthe potential for competition among regulatory jurisdictions.This article explains why there is variation in these regulatorytrends. Three general ‘trajectories’ are: (a) convergenceamong countries toward less stringent regulations in some cases,(b) convergence toward more stringent regulations in others,while in still other cases (c) differences persist among countries.I offer three (related) propositions which explain the differentregulatory trajectories: #1) Regulations on production processestend toward laxity; whereas product market-access regulationstend toward stringency. #2) Industrial structure affects thestrength of the process/market-access distinction. Powerfulfirms in concentrated markets facilitate collective action andregulatory capture. Dominant producers push for process andmarket-access regulations which reflect their interests, givingthem a competitive regulatory advantage in world markets. #3)The asset specificity of investments affects regulatory convergence.Low asset specificity leads to a competition-in-laxity; highmultinational asset specificity leads to convergence among jurisdictions(as firms seek to lower their transaction costs); and domesticasset specificity leads to differences among jurisdictions.Detailed case studies (on offshore banking, capital requirements,and infant formula) suggest the propositions are necessary tounderstand general outcomes, although not sufficient to fullyexplain individual cases.  相似文献   
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Although gunshot is by far the most common means of homicide in the United States, significant numbers of homicides are also perpetrated by other means. Blunt-force injuries are produced by a variety of objects, including hands and feet and many different weapons. Some of these objects produce distinctive patterns of injury of potential evidentiary value. This paper presents a series of 20 consecutive blunt-force homicides in adults. Seventy percent (14 cases) of the victims were men. Thirty percent (six cases) followed an argument or altercation. A number of the weapons used were "weapons of opportunity" seized in the course of the incidents. Sixty-nine percent (nine cases) of known assailants were acquainted with their victims. Few characteristic patterned injuries were seen. Not surprisingly, craniocerebral trauma was the most common cause of death. One half (10 cases) the victims survived their assaults for varying periods of time. Homicides due to blunt-force injury still pose a significant challenge for the forensic pathologist, who must obtain a complete and accurate history of the fatal incident, interpret patterns of injury and other findings at autopsy, and correlate all of the findings to make an accurate ruling of the cause and manner of death.  相似文献   
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International donors, particularly the European Union (EU), vehemently endorse institution-building and public administration reform (PAR) in their work on democracy support. Still, the linkages between externally sponsored reform and advancement of democratic governance in beneficiary countries constitute a blind spot in our understanding of democratization. This article contributes to examining this relationship by exploring the democratic substance of the EU’s PAR portfolio for the neighbourhood countries. The aim of the article is to focus attention on the PA–democracy interface in the study of democracy promotion by elaborating a conceptual framework for exploring the nature of externally supported administrative reforms and the substantive content of democracy being advanced. By using the OECD/SIGMA’s (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development/Support for Improvement in Governance and Management) PAR framework for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) countries as a case study, this article demonstrates how the EU’s approach to programming PAR accommodates elements from several formats of democratic governance while the conceptualization of the democratic effects of the PAR principles remains vague. The article concludes by highlighting the need for closer examination of the potentials and limits of external PAR strategies in democracy support, and for attuning the EU’s PAR design to its democratic implications.  相似文献   
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In order to better understand why some children retaliate when they feel provoked and others do not, the present study identified “pacifistically-oriented” children who made negative interpretations in response to unambiguous provocations, yet did not endorse revenge goals, and compared them to “revenge-seeking” children who also made negative interpretations but did endorse revenge goals. Groups were identified based on seventh graders’ (N?=?367; 54.77% male; 22.89% racial/ethnic minority) responses to hypothetical situations in which a peer excluded and insulted them. Comparing these groups revealed that Pacifists endorsed relationship-maintaining goals and emotion regulation goals more highly than Revenge-Seekers. Revenge-Seekers reported more anger and endorsed beliefs about negative reciprocity and aggression being legitimate more highly than Pacifists. Additionally, Revenge-Seekers were more disrespect sensitive than were Pacifists, based on a measure of vigilance for signs of disrespect and expectations that others would disrespect them. Together these findings point to social-cognitive and emotion-related processes that may inhibit revenge-seeking in unambiguous provocation situations, even when children interpret the peer’s behavior quite negatively.  相似文献   
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